Russia and Mongolia are close neighbors, and their immediate geographic proximity has determined the mutual geopolitical pull of Russia and Mongolia, an objective contributing to political, military, trade and economics, cultural, and other bilateral ties. Russian-Mongolian relations, characterized by traditional good-neighborliness, are comprehensive, oriented to further development in the spirit of strategic partnership, based on a long history of bilateral interaction.

The first legal foundation for bilateral cooperation was set on November 5, 1921. Until the mid-1940s, Mongolia was one of the few socialist states to which the USSR provided significant military and economic aid. The Soviet Union was directly involved in the secularization of the Mongolian People’s Republic, which allowed this state to become a modern and influential actor in the international arena fairly quickly.

And in 1939, in the Battles of Khalkhin Gol, the USSR supported Mongolia’s independence against Japanese aggression. During the Second World War, Mongolia fought alongside the USSR and provided it with a great deal of material support. Installed on Poklonnaya Hill in Moscow, On the Roads of War monument was sent by the people of Mongolia. The memorial sculpture, commemorating the fighters of Mongolia during the Great Patriotic War, is placed at the Patriot Park in the Moscow region. In addition, representatives of the Mongolian Armed Forces are constantly invited to participate in Victory Parades.  Most Mongolian ranking members of the military have been trained in Russia, and weapons and equipment are upgraded based on bilateral cooperation.

Until 1945, the USSR was the only country to recognize Mongolia as an independent nation. The rest of the international community still considered the Mongolian People’s Republic part of China. In 1945 a referendum was held in Mongolia, with an absolute majority voting in favor of independence from The Celestial Empire. Due precisely to the USSR’s political support, Mongolia was recognized by other countries as a full-fledged state.

In September 2019, Russian President Vladimir Putin visited Ulaanbataar, the capital of Mongolia, for a meeting with Mongolia’s President Khaltmaagiin Battulga. The two countries signed an open-ended Treaty on Friendship and Comprehensive Strategic Partnership during the talks.

This year, on July 11, Mongolia celebrated the centennial of independence. November 5 celebrated the centennial of diplomatic relations with Russia in the fall. It is symbolic that on December 16, the new Mongolian President, Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh, made his first trip abroad to Russia on an official visit and met with Russian President Vladimir Putin. “This visit has historical significance. Close and friendly cooperation for a hundred years is a rare historical precedent. Our relationship is a good, traditionally historic relationship,” the Mongolian leader said. According to him, the people of Mongolia perceive the friendship and comradeship of the states as an example of “good relations not only in our region but also worldwide.”

After a lengthy conversation, the two sides adopted a declaration on cooperation and called for increased economic cooperation. As emphasized in the declaration, the parties will continue to cooperate in combating the spread of the coronavirus, facilitating the resumption of transport links, and exploring opportunities to restore trade, economic, and humanitarian cooperation after the pandemic.

It is emphasized that Russia and Mongolia view military and military-technical cooperation as an essential part of a comprehensive strategic partnership and intend to deepen cooperation on defense and security. In addition, the parties will take measures to prevent the falsification of history and the glorification of Nazism.

The leaders discussed cooperation in the energy sector in detail. “Russia is a reliable supplier of energy to Mongolia,” Putin stressed, noting that our country provides about 80% of the republic’s demand for oil products. An extension of the Power of Siberia gas pipeline will pass through Mongolia to China. The project, called Soyuz-East, will begin to be implemented in 2024. At a meeting with the President of Mongolia, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that the government is completing a feasibility study to construct the gas pipeline. The outline of the draft project should appear shortly.

For his part, Mongolia’s President Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh said that Ulaanbaatar supports the Greater Eurasian Partnership initiative. He also spoke about the modernization of the central rail corridor and the construction of an energy corridor. The president noted the great opportunities for cooperation in the energy sector. “We are very pleased with the results of the work we are doing on the project to build a gas pipeline from Russia to China through Mongolia,” Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh said.

The positions of Russia and Mongolia on important regional and international issues coincide or are very close, and the countries well coordinate their actions on the United Nations platforms, Putin said.

Mongolia’s President Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh also held talks in Moscow with the Speaker of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of Russia, Valentina Matviyenko, culminating in the consolidation of the main guidelines for developing bilateral relations. The parties decided to hold another meeting shortly to create a new mechanism for inter-parliamentary cooperation. The Speaker of the Federation Council noted that Mongolia is one of Russia’s key strategic partners in Asia.

During his visit to Russia, Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh also held talks with Dmitry Medvedev, Deputy Chairman of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. They exchanged views on the possibility of developing cooperation between Mongolia and the Eurasian Economic Union.

Behind the protocol talks in Moscow by Mongolian President Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh, there is an essential message on which the existence of Mongolia and the security of Russia largely depend. There has never been any contradiction between Russia and Mongolia. Mongolians are very friendly to Russians. During Soviet times, all Mongolians studied Russian, and the older generation know it well. 4,500 Mongolian students are studying in Russia today. Recently, Ulaanbaatar, to avoid a negative impact on Lake Baikal, not without pressure from Moscow, refused to build a cascade of hydroelectric power plants on the Selenga River and its tributaries. That is why the discussions in Moscow on Russia’s assistance in strengthening Mongolia’s energy security and the development of multifaceted economic cooperation between the two countries were of particular significance. As history shows, investments in Mongolia have always more than paid off.

Russia’s interests in Mongolia are undoubtedly of strategic importance. As past and present convince us, any significant changes in this country and Northeast Asia as a whole have always required special attention and appropriate response from Russia. Therefore, Russian-Mongolian relations are a natural and vital part of the eastern vector of Russia’s foreign policy. This was emphasized in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. It was always mentioned during official contacts between representatives of both states, including during the current official visit of the new Mongolia’s President, Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh, to Moscow.

Vladimir Odintsov, political observer, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

On September 23, the President of Mongolia, Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh took part in a full session of the UN General Assembly, in which he set out Mongolia’s position on various current issues in international relations.

In his speech, he focused particularly on the topic of cooperation between Mongolia and the United Nations. He pointed out that,

“by joining the UN in 1961, Mongolia secured its independence and sovereignty, and became a fully-fledged member of the global community. Today, the Mongolian people are celebrating the sixtieth anniversary of their nation’s accession to the UN.”

As for practical cooperation with the United Nations, the Mongolian President emphasized that in the field of peace and security, Mongolia had declared its territory a nuclear-weapon-free zone in 1992 and is working tirelessly to maintain this status to this day. Mongolia aims to make use of its strategic geographical position by becoming a transit link between Asia and Europe. Since 2002, more than 20,000 Mongolian peacekeepers have participated in 13 UN missions on three continents. “In relation to its population and the size of its military, Mongolia’s has contributed more to UN peacekeeping missions than any other nation,” he said.

In his personal meeting with the UN Secretary-General on September 21, Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh indicated that Mongolia is pursuing a policy of expanding its participation in UN peacekeeping operations and has registered four military units in the UN’s Capacity-building System. He also expressed interest in sending another contingent of troops in the near future. He expressed hope for UN support for his proposal to create an International Peacekeeping at the Mongolian Armed Forces’ Tavan-Tolgoi Training Center, as part of his peacekeeping initiative. President Khürelsükh also noted that Mongolia is working to increase the proportion of women participating in UN peacekeeping operations to 15%, in accordance with the UN Security Council’s resolution on women, peace and security. In view of this goal, he called for support and cooperation in organizing an international conference on women’s participation in peacekeeping operations, to be held in Ulaanbaatar next year.

For his part, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres thanked Mongolia for its active involvement in the UN’s work, noting that cooperation was expanding year by year, and promising that the UN would support Mongolia.

Mongolia joined the UN on October 27, 1961 and, as a full member, it in entitled to join the UN system partner organizations and accede to international treaties and agreements. This has enabled Mongolia to expand its foreign policy and receive assistance and support from the United Nations as a whole and other individual Member States.

In 2014, Mongolia’s leadership mentioned the possibility of that it might seek election as a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2022.

In addition to its 5 permanent members, the UN Security Council also has 10 non-permanent members, selected from among the UN Member States for a two-year period – and there is never any shortage of candidates for such seats. In order for a country to obtain a non-permanent seat on the Security Council, its candidature must be supported by two thirds of the votes cast by of the current Member States. The preparations for such a vote and the nomination of candidates usually begins ten years before the election, and the countries in question make a great effort to gain the support of the international community.

It is therefore significant that in his speech at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly, Mr. Khürelsükh made no mention of his country’s hopes to obtain a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

This reticence could perhaps be explained by the fact that Mongolia’s new government has given up its claim to such a seat in favor of another country. That country could quite possibly be Japan, with which Mongolia has been developing particularly friendly relations in recent years, seeing it as its “third neighbor”, and which applied for a seat as a representative of the Asian states at the 74th session of the UN General Assembly in 2019.

During the severe crisis which raved the Mongolian economy in the early 1990s, Japan was the country’s main supporter, providing it with humanitarian aid, financial aid and low-interest loans. For Mongolia, Japan represents an opportunity to diversify its foreign trade and sources of investment. Japan is currently the only country with which Mongolia has signed a free trade agreement. In recent years Japan has been Mongolia’s third largest trading partner, with more than half of all the country’s cars being imported from Japan. Bilateral trade is dominated by imports of Japanese goods into Mongolia, although the volume of direct Japanese investments in the Mongolian economy has not yet met Ulaanbaatar’s expectations. Scientific and cultural contacts also play a significant role in the development of Mongolian-Japanese relations, with Japanese culture increasing popular in Mongolia, which has significantly contributed to the success of Mongolian sumo wrestlers performing in Japan.

However, perhaps one of the most notable results of Tokyo’s active policy has been the transformation of Japan’s image in Mongolia. Just a few decades ago Japan was seen as a threat, with memories of Japan’s attempted annexation of the MPR still raw, but it has since offered large-scale financial support to the Mongolian economy and encouraged the development of cultural ties, and as a result it is now seen as a positive influence by both the Mongolian political elite and the country’s population as a whole.

Vladimir Odintsov, political observer, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

2021 will mark the centenary of Russia’s diplomatic relations with Mongolia. How have links between these two countries developed over the past century? And what is the present status of the partnership between the two nations? What future is there for cooperation between Russia and Mongolia?

For many centuries, Mongolia was part of China. In the first half of 1921 Mongolia, at the time a Chinese protectorate, was occupied by White Army forces led by Baron Roman von Ungern-Sternberg, who had fled from the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. During his occupation of Mongolia he reinstalled the country’s traditional Khanate government. But the general’s time of triumph did not last for long. Mongolia was occupied by Red Army troops later the same year, and after the new Khan died in 1924 the People’s Republic of Mongolia (PRM) was established.

The PRM developed close ties with the USSR. For one thing, Mongolia was – until the mid 1940s – one of the few other countries in the world with a Socialist government. The USSR provided its ally with considerable military and economic support. Between 1930 and 1940 Mongolia’s industrial output increased more than twentyfold. The USSR played an important role in the secularization of the new republic, which contributed to the formation of a modern state. And in 1939, in the battle of Khalkhin Gol, the USSR supported Mongolia’s independence against Japanese aggression. To commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Soviet and Mongolian victory in that campaign, in 2019 specialists from Russia erected a four-meter monument to Marshal Zhukov, the commander of the joint armies, in the Khalkhin Gol region.

During the Second World War Mongolia fought alongside the USSR and provided it with a great deal of material support. The PRM gave the USSR considerable sums of money for the manufacture of military hardware, and organized convoys to supply food and equipment to Soviet soldiers. In order to provide this support, Mongolia made such great sacrifices that in 1944 the country suffered from famine. The PRM also provided the USSR with more than 500,000 horses. According to some sources, one in five horses used by the Red Army came from Mongolia. As the famous Soviet general Issa Pliyev noted in his memoirs, Mongolia horses arrived in Berlin alongside the Soviet tanks. In fact, the support provided by Mongolia was just as important as that provided by the USA under the Lend-lease program.

Until 1945, the USSR was the only country to recognize Mongolia as an independent nation. The rest of the international community still considered it to be part of China. In 1945 a referendum was held in Mongolia, with an absolute majority voting in favor of independence from China. It was only thanks to the USSR’s political support that other countries followed suit and recognized its status as a sovereign nation.

In 1961 supported the PRM’s accession to the United Nations. Between 1950 and the 1980s the USSR and Mongolia were bound together by close economic ties. The USSR was Mongolia’s key export and import partner. It also contributed a great deal to Mongolia’s industrialization, upgraded its infrastructure, organized the construction of railways, and promoted the development of its national culture and the two countries shared scientific expertise.

Shortly after the collapse of the USSR in 1991, cooperation between the two countries decreased dramatically. The 1990s were a very difficult time for Mongolia. The country suffered from disastrous levels of inflation, crime increased rapidly, and GDP fell considerably. Mongolia found itself in urgent need of foreign aid, but Russia, struggling with its own economic problems, was in no position to provide support. As a result, towards the end of the 1990s China started to play a much larger role in Mongolia’s economy.

Nevertheless, the beginning of the 2000s saw a gradual revival of economic relations between Russia and Mongolia. Year by year trade between the two countries is increasing, although it is still much lower than it was during the Soviet period.

In September 2019 Vladimir Putin, President of Russia, visited Ulaanbataar, Mongolia’s capital, for a meeting with President Khaltmaagiin Battulga. During the talks, the two countries signed an open-ended Treaty on Friendship and Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. The two leaders expressed the hope that their countries would continue to develop their relationship based on mutual trust. The Russian president also stressed the importance of increasing trade between the two countries.

There is currently a considerable amount of cultural exchange between Russia and Mongolia. In 2020 the Russian government increased the number of university grants available and now more than 500 Mongolian students can study at Russian higher education institutions. This is an important trend, as the availability of well-educated specialists will enable Mongolia to significantly boost its economy in the near future. In September 2021, as part of the 6th Eastern Economic Forum, Vladivostok will host an international academic conference to mark the centenary of diplomatic relations between Russia and Mongolia. The event will be co-organized by the Russian Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Eastern Studies. Academics from both countries consider this to be an extremely important event, since it will both help strengthen cultural exchange and promote the study of the history of relations between the two countries.

In conclusion, we can say that there is a great deal of potential for cooperation between Russia and Mongolia. Firstly, Mongolia has not forgotten how the USSR helped it achieve independence and become a sovereign state. Secondly, given the close geographical proximity of the two countries, their continuing cooperation makes logistical sense. And thirdly, both Russia’s and Mongolia’s economies are growing – and economic growth always tends to favor the development of trading partnerships.

Petr Konovalov, a political observer, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

China’s growing capabilities and ambitions have alarmed all the states which border with this giant. However, among these countries, there are those with which the PRC has a particularly complicated relationship. For example, Japan is one of them. On the one hand, China and Japan, as the two most economically developed states in Asia, cannot help but cooperate. On the other hand, there is competition between the countries, territorial issues, and a heavy memory of the events of World War II, dubbed the Nanjing Massacre when the Japanese military seized part of the Chinese territory and showed incredible cruelty to the civilian population there.

Nevertheless, cooperation between the countries is ongoing and very active. For example, in 2019, before the economic crisis associated with the COVID-19 pandemic gripped the world, Sino-Japanese trade was about $280 billion. Despite all contradictions, the PRC is currently Japan’s second trading partner after its main ally, the United States.

Today’s primary role in all of Beijing’s economic policy is played by One Belt, One Road Initiative (OBOR), which aims to connect China with as many countries as possible through a single transport infrastructure. This will allow Beijing to maximize its commodity flows worldwide and bring its global economic influence to unprecedented heights. That is why the PRC is now particularly eager to cooperate with other countries in the transport sector. Around the world, the Celestial Empire supports the construction of roads, ports, and the development of international routes to incorporate them into the OBOR system. China also has joint transportation projects with Japan.

For example, a new water route between the two states began operating in 2019. After reaching the east coast of China, cargo ships from Japan sail up China’s largest river, the Yangtze, until they reach the city of Wuhan in Hubei Province, PRC, which is a major river port and one of the most important transport hubs in Central China. In the first five months of 2021 alone, 36 flights were made, and 2,799 containers were delivered from Japan to Wuhan.

At the end of June 2021, another cargo ship sailed from the Port of Nagoya in Japan to Wuhan. He brought a shipment of cars in his containers for onward shipment to Mongolia. At the same time, another ship was dispatched from Japan with the same cargo, also for shipment to Mongolia, but in a much larger volume.

Soon Chinese media reported on the launch of a new cargo route to connect Japan and Mongolia via PRC territory. The route with a total length of more than 5,000 km includes the above-described water route from Japan along the Yangtze to Wuhan. Wuhan will begin the overland railroad section of the route, ending in the Mongolian capital Ulaanbaatar.

The cars from both ships are expected to arrive at their destination in the second half of July 2021. At this point, the Japan-Wuhan-Mongolia route can be considered fully operational. Thanks to it, the delivery time from Japan to Mongolia will now be only 20 days.

From a purely economic point of view, the new route seems convenient and profitable for all three countries united by it. However, it should be remembered that the underlying differences between Japan and China and general tensions throughout the region have not gone away. As mentioned above, there is a territorial dispute between the Land of the Rising Sun and the PRC. The subject of the dispute is the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea. Both sides believe that these eight small islands are worth fighting for because they are considered to have oil and gas reserves in their area.

While politicians in Beijing think about territory and resources, the memory of the Nanjing Massacre and its tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of innocent victims (the exact number of victims is still unknown) is still alive among ordinary Chinese. Although no serious conflict between China and Japan has yet been portended, if it does occur, the Chinese people and the Chinese army, which already rivals the US armed forces in size and equipment, may perceive such development with great enthusiasm. In turn, Japan is trying to remove references to Nanjing from its history textbooks. Japanese ruling circles are increasingly raising the question of repealing Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution, which prohibits the country from having a full-fledged army and navy, limiting its military potential to self-defense forces. In addition, Japan continues to cling to its military alliance with the United States and has not removed American military bases from its territory, despite years of discussions about this step. The USA, which is also one of China’s main competitors, is also doing everything to secure Japan’s place in the anti-China axis that Washington is trying to build with India and Australia.

Thus, despite the enormous mutual benefits that Japan and the PRC derive from their economic cooperation, the long-term prospects of their relationship remain unclear.

In addition, it should be noted that China’s relations with Mongolia are also ambiguous. On the one hand, Mongolia is greatly influenced by China, to the extent that even many essential positions in the country are held by ethnic Chinese. On the other hand, there are also forces in Mongolia that want more independence from the PRC.

It should be recalled that Mongolia was dependent on the Chinese Empire until the beginning of the twentieth century. The Mongolian Revolution occurred in 1911, due to which Mongolia tried to become an independent state. This was only partially successful: most of the population in the southern part of the country were ethnic Chinese who wished to remain part of China. As a result, Mongolia split into two parts: southern Inner Mongolia and northern Outer Mongolia. Outer Mongolia became the independent state of Mongolia, while Inner Mongolia remained part of the Chinese Empire, later becoming part of the PRC. In 1949, the PRC and Mongolia officially recognized each other. However, there were people on both sides of the border who were dissatisfied with the situation. Some Chinese believe that Mongolia should be part of the PRC, and some Mongolians feel that Chinese Inner Mongolia should be reunited with Mongolia. Thus, the ground for a Sino-Mongolian conflict exists. Whether it is destined to develop depends on the socio-economic situation in the two countries, politicians’ interests, and the international climate.

Of course, all well-meaning forces in the region are in favor of maintaining good-neighborly relations. However, conducting mutually beneficial cooperation, states should keep in mind the differences mentioned above and be prepared for various surprises.

The Japan-China-Mongolia route is convenient and vital for these countries, but it will instantly stop working in case of discord. Mongolia, which is landlocked and sandwiched between two neighbors: China and Russia, could be particularly affected. In principle, Japan is also a somewhat isolated country, from which it is relatively easy to reach China, Korea, and Russia by water or air. At the same time, the other parts of the world are not short trips across the ocean. Both Japan and Mongolia need overland connections to Eurasia, and if they lose the ability to do so through China, then the most logical option is the Russian territory.

Japan understands this, and for several years has been gradually mastering the Russian Trans-Siberian railroad, which connects the Russian Far East to the western part of the country, where it connects to the railroads going to Europe. In May 2019, a ceremony was held in the Japanese port city of Yokohama to mark the start of shipments to Europe via Russia: having crossed the sea leg between Japan and Russia, goods from the Land of the Rising Sun are heading west along the Trans-Siberian Railway.

As for Russian-Mongolian relations, news about their development has so far rarely appeared in the media. However, due to Mongolia’s geographic location and the growing power of the PRC, the conclusion can be drawn that strengthening cooperation with Russia is the only way for the country to balance China’s influence.

Thus, even though China’s global adversary is the United States and its regional rivals are Japan, India, and others, Russia, which has good relations with China, should play the role of mediator and maintain the balance of power in Central and East Asia.

Petr Konovalov, a political observer, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

In recent years, Mongolia has received increasing attention in a comprehensive and multifaceted US strategy aimed at dominating the Eurasian continent. To a certain extent, this is due to the colossal amounts of natural resources and economic opportunities the country has, which are of undoubted interest for American industrial and business circles.  However, this is even more connected with Washington’s intentions to use the “ancestral home of Genghis Khan” to oppose Russia and the PRC, with an emphasis on the “separation” of the Mongolian people, taking into account the presence in China of Inner Mongolia a very extensive autonomous region bordering with it and with Russia.

Experts have reported that the Americans are clearly striving to establish bilateral ties with Ulaanbaatar and include Mongolia in its closest allies (along with Singapore, Taiwan and New Zealand) in the Indo-Pacific region. Analysts think that the idea of cooperating with Ulaanbaatar has become especially relevant for the United States in light of its tense relations with both Russia and China in recent years.

In terms of the total volume of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mongolia, the United States ranks 6th (3.3%), behind China and Japan, but ahead of Russia. To a large extent, US investors are showing interest in the Mongolian mining industry, in particular in the development of the largest coal deposit, Tavan Tolgoi. Although American investors consider Mongolia one of the most promising markets in East Asia, their investment activities in this country are hampered by a cumbersome and ineffective bureaucracy, high levels of corruption and recurring financial conflicts caused by the Mongolian “resource nationalism”.

Recently, in the speeches of American politicians, one can hear more and more “about the pride of the United States that it is Mongolia’s third neighbor”. On the subject, the United States refers to a concept that appeared in the vocabulary of Mongolian politicians after the revolution of the early 1990s. Geographically, Mongolia shares borders with only two countries, Russia and China, but Ulaanbaatar has already repeatedly declared that today it does not intend to close all its military-political and economic contacts on these two states alone. That is why Mongolia is considered a third neighbor to those countries with which the republic maintains its closest relations, naming, in particular, the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia and the EU countries, with which Mongolia expects to balance the Russian and Chinese influence in region.

The vector of Washington expansion it’s spheres of influence in Asia has been visible for a long time. Back in 2011, Democratic Party representative Hillary Clinton, then Secretary of State, announced that the presence of the United States in Asia is a prerequisite for maintaining American global leadership, since it is in Asia that “the bulk of 21st century history will be written.” The key adversary of Washington in the region today remains China, which appears in the doctrinal documents of the United States as one of the key threats.

In the US national security document “Strategic Framework for Engineering and Technology” recently declassified by the White House and adopted in 2018, Mongolia is considered, along with Japan, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan, among the main partners in containing China’s “economic aggression” by engaging in various American projects. One of the expressions of this policy was the allocation of $ 350 million to Ulaanbaatar to modernize the capital’s water supply system, which became the largest one-time US investment in the region. Meanwhile, Washington systematically seeks to emphasize that the gratuitous nature of American aid supposedly compares favorably with China’s infrastructure programs, which, as a rule, imply the development of connected loans.

In order to increase America’s presence in Mongolia in 2019, the USAID resumed its work, which in early 2021 announced the financing of two programs to promote agricultural development in the amount of $ 4.3 million.

With the active participation of the USAID, there has recently been an active expansion of activities in Mongolia by numerous NGOs, many of which were created in various directions to “expand democracy.” So, according to the Ministry of Justice and Internal Affairs of Mongolia, in 2019 more than 20 thousand NPOs were officially registered in this country (and this is for 3 million of the population!), Most of which are financed from abroad. For example, activists of the Mongolian Youth Union NGO are implementing a project according to which Mongolian politicians are included in the black or white list according to the degree of their corruption. But at the same time, it turns out that the MSM coordinates these lists with the leadership of such American structures as the Peace Corps and USAID! Now it is clear why those Mongolian politicians who are considered to be “pro-Russian” are mainly included in the so-called “black” list. Being put on such a “black” list, it is already unlikely that you will be included in the number of deputies of the Mongolian parliament…

Another example is the active work in Mongolia with local politicians (mainly with parliamentarians) and their electorate of another NGO, the International Republican Institute (IRI), which in 2016 was banned in Russia due to gross interference in internal affairs countries. This NGO regularly organizes trips for Mongolian legislators and other prominent Mongolian political leaders to the United States, which can reasonably be regarded as bribery.

In addition, with the active support of the US Embassy in Mongolia, the Soros Foundation, such a religious sect as the Seventh-Day Adventist Church, banned in Russia, and a number of others, are operating today.  Judging by the financial statements, money is not spared for Mongolia, especially American structures disguised as NGOs and acting to promote “American-style democracy.” Taking into account their significant number for a modest 3 million population, Mongolia should have long ago become a “world stronghold of democracy and prosperity,” which, however, is clearly not visible… the goals and objectives set for them, primarily in the confrontation between Russia and China.

In order to avoid becoming completely controlled by foreign influence, for Mongolia it is long overdue to adopt a law “on foreign agents”, as, incidentally, did the United States itself, having adopted the FARA (Foreign Agents Registration Act) law back in 1938. By the way, not only in the United States, but also in many other countries, such activities with foreign participation are strictly controlled, in particular, in Great Britain, Israel, India, Germany and other countries that responsibly approach their security and political sovereignty.

In 2018, the military was added to the political and economic aspect of American policy towards Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar has come to be regarded as one of the leading regional partners of the Global Peace Operation Initiative to support peacekeeping operations, and US-Mongolian cooperation is being built up through UN peacekeeping in Africa and NATO in Afghanistan.

Within the framework of the American State Partnership Program, the engineering and technical staff intensified cooperation between the Alaska Guard and the armed forces of Mongolia, in particular, at the international exercises “In Search of Khan” and “Gobi Wolf” held annually in Mongolia.

Washington’s increased attention to Mongolia and its relations with its two natural neighbors, Russia and China, demonstrates what happened in January this year. expansion of the staff of the US Embassy in Ulaanbaatar by 12 diplomats at once, 4 of whom are specialists in Russia and China. Two more USAID employees arrived in Mongolia last summer.

Therefore, the residents of Mongolia should not relax in the coming months, especially on the eve of the upcoming presidential elections in the country in the summer, in which the United States has already begun to actively prepare for intervention, and not only through the already tested option of using controlled NGOs and the media.

Vladimir Odintsov, political observer, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook“.

On December 24, the Mongolian Parliament (State Great Khural) approved the Law on Presidential Elections. In the summer of 2021, the country will hold its eighth presidential election in its history, in which Mongolians will choose their sixth president.

The upcoming presidential elections in Mongolia have already intensified the activities of the US Embassy and Washington-dependent NGOs in the country, seeking thereby to increase their influence on Mongolian territory and to direct the political processes in a direction beneficial to the United States. Ever since the aforementioned successful democratic revolution in 1990 took place in Mongolia, the United States became one of the primary ‘patrons’ of democratic reforms in the country. To this end, Washington has made efforts not only to develop escalating political, economic, cultural and military cooperation, but also to break this country away from its traditional partners, Russia and China. This included an attempt in the summer of 2008 at a “color revolution” designed by Washington.

The question of finding a new place in the world system of international relations, which confronted the former allies of the USSR after its collapse in the early 1990s and caused the revitalization of such a search in the Soviet-oriented socialist countries, was especially relevant for Mongolia. There, soon after the revolution in 1990, a severe economic crisis began, caused by the cessation of massive Soviet economic aid and the severance of years of trade and economic ties with its northern neighbor.

Mongolia’s location between Russia and China, whose image among Mongolians is still overshadowed by the memory of more than 200 years of rule by the Qing Empire, as well as the changed international balance of power after the collapse of the USSR and the socialist system in 1990, made the development of a new policy of the country a serious challenge for the Mongolian political elite. A certain response to it was the so-called “third neighbor” concept proposed in August 1990 by US Secretary of State James Baker, who visited Ulaanbaatar on an official visit. Therefore, the main goal of the “third neighbor” concept was to develop ties with states not bordering Mongolia, which, according to Washington, would counterbalance the influence of its closest neighbors, Russia and China.

Throwing away diplomatic overtures, the true goals of the “third neighbor” concept and the involvement of Mongolia in the American “Eurasian orbit” were directly indicated by Pentagon Chief David Rumsfeld in October 2005. In particular, Rumsfeld said at a press conference in Ulaanbaatar that “the United States is exceptionally interested in building military bases in Mongolia, which has long been a vassal of the USSR.”

In recent years, Mongolia has received increasing attention in a comprehensive and multifaceted US strategy aimed at dominating the Eurasian continent. First of all, due to the enormous natural resources and other economic opportunities of this country, the active development of which Washington is expecting following the substitution of the presence of Russia and China in this area. The growing US presence in this strategically important region of Northeast Asia is also due to the rapid growth of economic power of Asian countries and their political weight on the world stage. And in this regard, the US is actively promoting the political and ideological orientation of the Mongolian elite toward Western countries, counting on the fact that Ulaanbaatar can become a conductor of American influence in the region, as well as possibly prevent the creation of the Russian-Chinese alliance, which is not desirable for the United States. Incidentally, the US has repeatedly pointed to Mongolia’s potential to mediate regional conflicts in Northeast Asia, especially in view of its good relations with all states in the region, including the DPRK, the Republic of Korea, and Afghanistan.

In recent years, Washington has placed particular emphasis on the separation of Mongolia from China, especially using the issue of the border region of Inner Mongolia, which is a very large autonomous region. Thus, in November 2019, the “Eighth International Conference of Tibet and Inner Mongolia Support Groups” was held in the North Indian city of Dharamsala (not far from India’s borders with Chinese Tibet and Nepal) with the active participation of American intelligence services and the support of the American NGO National Endowment for Democracy (NED), known for its role in organizing “color revolutions.” In addition to the separatist slogans, this forum was characterized by an emphasis on the “southern Mongolian” theme, as evidenced by the “proclamation” of the so-called Congress of Southern Mongolia (CSM), which was presented there in a suitably anti-Chinese tone.  It included accusations addressed to Beijing of “cultural, economic genocide of the Mongolian minority” and demands for an investigation into the situation of violations of the rights of the Mongolian minority. According to News Busters, NED directly funds CSM, which advocates the separation of Inner Mongolia from the People’s Republic of China. Between 2006 and 2020, NED has allocated more than $44 million to CSM.

Since the start of the Donald Trump administration in 2016, its Indo-Pacific Strategy has focused on further strengthening political, economic and security ties between the US and Mongolia. In 2019, during a state visit to Washington by Mongolian President Khaltmaagiin Battulga, the US became Mongolia’s fifth strategic partner – especially in strengthening economic and trade ties, which had not yielded meaningful results for some time. On the other hand, while a strategic partnership implies economic cooperation, US aid to Mongolia has dropped significantly during the Trump administration, from $46 million in 2018 to $12 million in 2020.

The unconditional payment for the strategic partnership with the US should be the Mongolian concessions in the exploitation of 75 strategic fields, the first ten of which cost $2.75 trillion. “Gold” and “copper” interests of American resource hunters are complemented by the geographical location of the mines – almost on the border of Mongolia with the Chinese “Inner Mongolia”.

Certain hopes for greater use of Mongolia against China have been tied by the Trump administration to Khaltmaagiin Battulga from the Democratic Party, one of the country’s richest men, who was elected as Mongolia’s president in July 2017. During the election campaign, Battulga repeatedly used anti-Chinese rhetoric, which, according to some political analysts, ensured his victory. The United States was already closely watching the 2017 election campaign, and criticism of China by the incoming Mongolian president only further “sharpened their focus”.

Today, as Mongolia prepares for the next presidential election in 2021, these are the aspects to which the United States intends to pay their closest attention.

The fact that the Asian direction in American foreign policy is becoming increasingly relevant is not much of a secret. What is worrying though, is that as soon as the representatives of Washington become more active somewhere, especially on the eve of presidential elections, there is bound to be something bad happening. And in this regard, the people of Mongolia must keep vigilant in the coming months.

Vladimir Odintsov, political observer, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

Mongolia’s role in international relations and the global economy is largely determined by its location right in the heart of Asia, its impressive reserves of minerals (copper, coal, molybdenum, tin, tungsten, gold), and its common border with two Eurasian giants – Russia and China. Also important is the fact that Mongolia is a natural transport link in land routes between Europe and the Asia-Pacific, which serve as alternatives to the sea route through the Suez Canal.

Therefore, it isn’t surprising that Washington has developed an increased interest in advancing cooperation with Mongolia in recent years. It should be noted that, ironically, the United States was the last major state of the Western world to establish diplomatic relations with Mongolia. The US only got around to it in 1987 and this was largely due not to the ‘diversification of the USA’s diplomatic ties’, but happened because of Washington’s intention to secure a firm footing in one of the strategically advantageous points of Eurasia. Here, China’s New Silk Road and Mongolia’s Steppe Route project converge, the latter being aimed at increasing Mongolia’s importance as a transit state at the junction of China and Russia.

Ever since the successful democratic revolution in 1990 took place in Mongolia, the United States became one of the primary ‘patrons’ of democratic reforms in the country. Political, economic, and cultural relations between the two states are expanding exponentially.

Against the backdrop of the active self-assertion of the US in the political life of Mongolia and its desire to play a key role in the country, the attempt to carry out a ‘color revolution’ in Summer 2008 following Washington’s distinctive patterns stands out. Essentially, Washington is trying to tear Mongolia away from its traditional partners, Russia and China.

But the main thing the US is particularly insistent upon is strengthening its military cooperation with Mongolia. Through this, Washington seeks not only to forge closer ties with Ulaanbaatar, but also to exert influence on the political course of Ulaanbaatar through increased leverage in the country’s military.

As USA Today reported back in October 2005, the Pentagon has far-reaching plans regarding Mongolia. Donald Rumsfeld, then-US Secretary of Defense, even said at a press conference in Ulaanbaatar: “The United States is exceptionally interested in building military bases in Mongolia, which has long been a vassal of the USSR.”

And this is not just an empty phrase uttered by the American Secretary of Defense, but an obvious strategic calculation: the US counts on its medium-range cruise missiles to be able to reach both the PRC and the Russian Federation if situated in Mongolian steppes. From this point of view, the deployment of American INF forces here is the most strategically advantageous move for Washington, as well as the fact that the population of Mongolia isn’t large, mainly nomadic and not used to defending their civil rights. Thus, they will not protest against the deployment of American missiles and perhaps they won’t even notice it. The US also presumes that Ulaanbaatar has taken an openly pro-Western course after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

However, these plans of Washington have failed to pay off so far. In recent years, the Mongolian government has repeatedly rejected the USA’s proposals to create a network of military bases on its territory.

Nevertheless, the United States continues to attach strategic importance to military cooperation with Mongolia, positioning itself as Mongolia’s ‘third neighbor’, clearly demonstrating the desire to assume a leading role in the military cooperation with the Asian state.

Mongolia, if only nominally, participated in US military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Since 2003, Mongolian military specialists have been trained in the United States and starting in 2006, major Mongolian-American field exercises titled Khaan Quest have been held, while the U.S. Department of Defense and the Department of State are funding the Ulaanbaatar Regional Peacekeeping Training Center, which was created with American assistance. According to Voice of America, some 230 Mongol soldiers are still based in Afghanistan. The United States also uses Mongolian territory, which is known for its harsh climate, to conduct the military exercises of its special forces in winter conditions for their subsequent combat use ‘in a country with a harsh climate’ (said country is quite obvious, isn’t it?).

Meanwhile, a noticeable intensification of bilateral contacts has taken place recently upon Washington’s initiative. In June, John Bolton, US Presidential Adviser on National Security, visited Mongolia. Then in late July, Mongolian President Khaltmaagiin Battulga paid a visit to Washington and met with Donald Trump. Following that, the State Department issued the Declaration on the Strategic Partnership between the United States of America and Mongolia. The United States thus became Mongolia’s fifth strategic partner, along with Russia, China, Japan and India.

In this context, the official visit of the Pentagon Chief Mark Esper to Ulaanbaatar in early August attracted a lot of attention: Mongolia ended up in the list of destinations on Esper’s first overseas tour. This confirms the US’ increasing interest in making Mongolia a potential strategic bridgehead, considering its convenient location between Russia and China, the United States’ two main geopolitical opponents. According to The Diplomat, in 2019, the Pentagon emphasized the importance of Mongolia for the USA’s strategic interests in its budget for foreign operations. Washington bluntly stated its intention to make sure that ‘the United States remains a more preferable partner for the country than Russia and China.’ Citing a senior US official, the publication adds that America wishes to expand military operations and intelligence cooperation with Ulaanbaatar.

During meetings with the political leadership of Mongolia, Mark Esper expressed a desire ‘to raise the level of bilateral cooperation’ in order to entice Mongolia with the vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific, which Washington intends to actively use in countering China.

As the results of Esper’s visit to Mongolia showed, Washington intends to secure this country as a significant partner in the defense sphere using a complex strategy. Firstly, the US intents to improve the current formats of interaction, including the participation of Mongolian military in the US-led Operation Resolute Support in Afghanistan and the multilateral military exercises Khaan Quest. The US also wishes to ensure the country’s continued participation in global UN peacekeeping operations (about 10% of Mongolia’s armed forces participate). Secondly, the US intends to continue ‘niche’ supplies of military equipment (communications equipment and ammunition worth $2 million per year). The next step is ‘monitoring’ Mongolian military-technological cooperation with Russia and China by sending Pentagon delegations to assess the ‘weapons needs of Mongolia.’

Although these are characterized as important but not ‘breakthrough’ areas in defense cooperation, their focus is on expanding the military presence of the US, as well as the deployment of Pentagon objects, which seemed impassable before from the point of view of Mongolian legislation. The plan is to create Cooperative Security Locations (CSL) with logistical support and a certain number of US military personnel. This would allow the US to establish a presence on Mongolian territory and, if necessary, instantly deploy battle and logistics support bridgeheads of the army in any region. By advancing specifically the option of creating American CSLs, Washington is quite clearly banking on the fact that, unlike their ‘classical’ military bases, such a designation won’t lead to misreading. The term allows the US to maneuver and call them anything but ‘US military bases.’

But, despite all of these efforts on the US’ part, Russia and China will remain the Mongolia’s main allies, primarily because of the foreign policy priorities of the current Mongolian leadership.

Vladimir Odintsov, expert politologist, exclusively for the online magazine ‘New Eastern Outlook’.

First, a short history lesson. According to records, the relationship between Mongolia and Korea spans 800 years. Mongolian annals from the 13th to 14th centuries mention Korea’s (at the time known as Solongos) role in Genghis Khan’s conquest of China.

In the years preceding 1990, the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) and the DPRK cooperated on equal terms as members of an alliance of communist countries and states. Mongolia became the second nation after Hungary to recognize North Korea’s sovereignty in 1989. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were established in 1948, and last year the two sides marked their 70th anniversary with a grand celebration.

Since 1996, the MPR has continued to provide food aid to the DPRK as per trade agreements, and up until 2017 the nation had willingly welcomed a fairly large number of North Korean migrant workers. Due to the sanctions imposed by the United Nations, their numbers have dwindled to 500 people.

However, the relationship between the two nations remains friendly and stable.

In 2000, the President and the Prime Minister of Mongolia visited North Korea.

In recent years, the MPR has increasingly taken on the role of a mediator in the process of resolving the issues plaguing the Korean Peninsula and of improving communication between the leader of the DPRK and those of the United States, Russia and China.

Its involvement is not surprising considering the fact that a hundred thousand Mongols already speak Korean, as it is the second most popular language to learn after English in the MPR.

It is worth noting that Mongolia has been viewed as a mediator in the process of stabilizing the situation on the Korean Peninsula in media reports by political observers and researchers for quite some time. And the capital of Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar, has, on numerous occasions, been included in the list of potential venues for staging historic summits between the leaders of the United States and the DPRK. And only due to unfavorable weather conditions in Mongolia, i.e. a harsh 2019 winter, was Vietnam chosen to host the meeting between North Korea’s and U.S. leaders.

Since DPRK leader Kim Jong-un officially expressed his willingness to take part in a third Summit with the U.S. President during this year’s session of the Supreme People’s Assembly on 12 April, it is highly likely that the meeting will take place in Ulaanbaatar this time around. At least, Mongolia’s media outlets have been reporting that such a possibility is strong indeed.

The aforementioned topic was discussed during a face-to-face meeting between Davaasuren Damdinsuren, the State Secretary of Mongolia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Ri Yong-ho, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of North Korea, as well as Ri Su-yong, the Vice Chairman of DPRK’s Workers’ Party, which was held on 18 April of this year during Damdinsuren’s visit.

In December 2018, North Korea’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Ri Yong-ho paid a visit to Ulaanbaatar, where Khaltmaagiin Battulga, the President of Mongolia, extended an official invitation to DPRK’s leader Kim Jong-un to visit the MPR.

In its role as mediator, Mongolia is supportive of efforts to ensure that Kim Jong-un meets with PRC’s head Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, the President of the Russian Federation, before any potential third summit, as without the involvement of these two leaders it will be impossible to resolve the security issues in the region. And it would be reasonable to assume that the historical meeting between Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un, held on the Far Eastern Federal University campus on the Russky Island on 25 April 2019, was facilitated by Mongolia in its mediator role.

Recently, Japan’s public broadcaster NHK reported that Damdin Tsogtbaatar, the Foreign Minister of Mongolia, urged the DPRK to stop any provocative actions involving testing new tactical weaponry, as this could have a negative impact on the situation in East Asia. He also appealed to observers and commentators to not be discouraged by the failed negotiations between the United States and the DPRK in Hanoi, since such talks were only a part of the processes of stabilizing the situation on the Korean Peninsula and of DPRK’s nuclear disarmament. MPR’s Foreign Minister added that Mongolia supported such initiatives and would continue to facilitate any negotiations between the USA and North Korea in the future.

Damdin Tsogtbaatar also highlighted that Mongolia and the DPRK, with their 70-year history of diplomatic relations, are continuing to strengthen their friendship.

It is worth highlighting that Mongolia’s mediator role in the Korean conflict, and its efforts to stabilize the situation on the Korean Peninsula and put an end to DPRK’s nuclear programme are all highly appreciated by the U.N. Security Council and the United States, who have urged the MPR to continue supporting initiatives of the international community in the future.

Mark Golman, Ph.D, history, head research partner at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook.“

It is well known that the US was the last of the great Western powers to establish diplomatic relations with Mongolia, it happened only in 1987. However, already in the early 1990s, the US became one of the main sources of inspiration and support for the democratic reforms in Mongolia and the country’s transition to democracy and market economy.

Since then, the US – Mongolian relations developed steadily and in 2018 reached the comprehensive and expanded partnership stage with prospects of establishing a strategic partnership.

These prospects were mentioned during the official visit of the Mongolian Prime Minister Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh to Washington DC on September 19-21, 2018 following the invitation of the White House, and his negotiations with the US Vice President Mike Pence and the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

The meeting with Mike Pence took place in the White House on September 19. The parties exchanged opinions on a wide range of topics concerning the bilateral relations, as well as the key regional and international issues of mutual interest. Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh expressed his deepest condolences to the families of the people who died because of Hurricane Florence and said that the Mongolian Government would provide the victims with camel wool blankets with the total cost of $100,000.

He expressed his satisfaction with the successful development of the bilateral relations in the political sphere, defense, economy, culture, humanitarian sphere and other areas.

The parties reiterated their mutual aspiration to improving their bilateral relations and cooperating in the framework of a ‘comprehensive and expanded partnership’ and agreed on the route map for developing and extending their economic partnership. Implementing the Route Map is called to expedite diversifying the Mongolian economy and enhancing its opportunities for cooperating with the US in agriculture and renewable energy sources. Furthermore, the US Congress is considering a bill on lifting the duties on the Mongolian cashmere and textile products imported to the US.

In his turn, Mike Pence thanked the Mongolian Government and the whole Mongolian people for providing assistance for the victims of the natural disaster and congratulated the Mongolian Armed Forces personnel that are currently performing their peacekeeping mission in Afghanistan with honor. “The US considers its relations with Mongolia very important,” said the US Vice President.

On September 20, the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo held a meeting with the Mongolian Prime Minister Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh where they discussed the issues of the 2 countries’ bilateral relations and regional and international partnership. The parties reiterated with satisfaction that, as a result of this visit of the Mongolian Government Head to the US, the bilateral US – Mongolian relations reached the level of ‘comprehensive and expanded partnership’ and expressed their willingness to complement it with enhanced economic cooperation.

The Mongolian Prime Minister Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh called on the US to become a large investor and a trade partner for Mongolia.

Speaking of the US – Mongolian diplomatic relations, the Mongolian Premier noted the expansion of the cooperation both on the regional and the international level which is proven, in particular, by Mongolia’s active participation in peacekeeping operations. He congratulated the US President Donald Trump and the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on resolving the Korean peninsula nuclear issue in a peaceful way. Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh and Mike Pompeo discussed a number of other specific issues and expressed their great satisfaction with their meeting on the whole.

After the official visit, a Joint Policy Statement consisting of several sections was published.

At the beginning of the statement, the US and Mongolia noted that, over the 31 years time after the diplomatic relations were established, the joint effort of the 2 states had strengthened the political, economic, educational, cultural and interpersonal ties and that their relations had reached a new level of comprehensive and expanded partnership…

The US reiterated the great significance of Mongolia’s own contribution to its transition to a free democratic society and noted that Mongolia is, among other things, its key ally in the Indo-Pacific region.

The Mongolian party expressed its gratitude to the US for its consistent support of the Mongolian transition to democracy, as well as for its cooperation and partnership in strengthening the market economy, creating sound management institutions and expediting sustainable economic development. Mongolia reiterated that the US is its important third neighboring state, close friend and partner.

In the section titled Regional and International Security, the US first of all congratulated the Mongolian Armed Forces personnel on their meritorious service in Afghanistan of many years and expressed its hope that the Mongolian Armed Forces would continue their participation in the Resolute Support Mission after 2018.

The US expressed its gratitude to Mongolia for its contribution to international peacekeeping: holding the annual international maneuvers Khaan Quest in its territory.

The 2 parties also reiterated the significance of the full denuclearization of North Korea and implementing all the UN Security Council resolutions regarding this issue. The US thanked Mongolia for its assistance in this respect and insisted that it continue to support the efforts made by the international communities.

In the section of the Joint Statement covering economic cooperation, the 2 parties advocated further strengthening of their economic, trade and investment relations in the framework of the new partnership for the benefit of both countries and the full implementation of the route map for extending their economic cooperation.

The parties especially welcomed the signing of the Second Compact Agreement with the Millennium Challenge Corporation under the auspices of which the US will provide Mongolia with a tranche to the tune of $350 m for improving the Ulaanbaatar water supply infrastructure.

One may consider that this Agreement was the greatest achievement of Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh, since, as he stated during his meeting with the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, “it will make a great contribution to resolving one of the most burning issues of the Mongolian capital.”

Further in the Joint Statement, the parties acknowledged the significance of protecting Mongolia from financial crime, increasing transparency and ensuring macroeconomic sustainability. “Mongolia expressed support for further cooperation on developing its anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism regimes.”

In the conclusion of the Joint Statement titled Shared Values and People-to-People Exchange, the 2 parties reaffirmed that their shared commitment to freedom, democracy, and human rights represented a cornerstone of their bilateral relationship.

Regarding their cultural and educational cooperation, the two countries reaffirmed their commitment to broadening educational programs through public-private partnerships, increasing direct exchanges, promoting both commercial and non-commercial cultural exchanges, and enhancing collaboration through an increase of Peace Corps volunteers and their activities in Mongolia, including, but not limited to, expanded English language teaching programs. With the view of deepening these ties, Mongolia and the United States agreed to announce 2019 as the “U.S.-Mongolia Youth Year.”

The parties also noted the importance of maintaining the frequency of high-level dialogues and bilateral mechanisms, including the Annual Bilateral Consultations, defense talks, the Economic Policy Dialogue, Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) talks, and the Energy Cooperation Dialogue to discuss and collaborate on efforts to advance the bilateral priorities of the intergovernmental sector and the governments, as well as international peace and prosperity.

Thus, Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh’s visit marked the beginning of a new phase of close rapprochement between Mongolia and the US. And the assistance provided for resolving the Ulaanbaatar water supply infrastructure issue is a considerable contribution to the country’s economic development.

Let us note that the program of his visit to the US included, apart from the bilateral negotiations, a meeting with the Mongols living in the US, participating in the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly, visiting the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Administration and participating in the congress of the Socialist International (SI) nongovernmental organization, etc.

Mark Golman, Ph.D, history, head research partner at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook.“

As you might know, the 4th Eastern Economic Forum was held in Vladivostok on September 13, 2018, led by the Russian President Vladimir Putin. It saw the participation of the Chinese President Xi Jinping, the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe, the South Korean Prime Minister Lee Nak-yeon, the Mongolian President Khaltmaagiin Battulga and other officials.

The Mongolian President Khaltmaagiin Battulga arrived in Vladivostok on September 11 and plunged into the work of the Forum straight away where he had rather fruitful bilateral negotiations with Vladimir Putin,  Xi Jinping, Shinzō Abe and other participants.

On September 11, the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe paid a visit to the Mongolian President. It was their second encounter at the Eastern Economic Forum.

At the beginning of their meeting, the Mongolian President expressed his condolences to the Japanese people in connection with the recent natural disaster, an unprecedented flood in a number of Japanese prefectures, and his willingness to provide assistance and support. The parties exchanged opinions on developing their economic cooperation in the framework of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA). “Mongolia is interested,” said K. Battulga, “in electricity supply for creating a super network in Northeast Asia and in expanding our cooperation in such areas as tourism, agriculture and building an ecocity.”

Shinzō Abe supported the initiatives of his Mongolian counterpart and discussed with him the operation issues of the recently built New Ulaanbaatar International Airport in the Khöshig Valley in the vicinity of Ulaanbaatar that is currently at the opening stage. The Japanese Premier also advocated the development of tourism by specific planning, increasing the meat import from Mongolia and, naturally, the development of cooperation in ensuring security in the region.

On September 12, the Presidents of Russia and Mongolia exchanged their opinions on a wide range of issues of their bilateral cooperation to the fullest extent. They expressed their mutual satisfaction with meeting in the Far East again and emphasised the great significance of such meetings for intensifying their bilateral cooperation.

During their meeting, K. Battulga mentioned his suggestion made in 2017 on resuming the 1993 Agreement On friendly relations and cooperation between the Russian Federation and Mongolia and signing it for an indefinite period of time.

He also discussed the issue of activating the interaction between the 2 countries’ National Security Councils and suggested adopting a revised cooperation plan concerning the regional security.

Battulga said that Mongolia was analysing the opportunity for building a port in the Far East and was preparing certain appropriate offers to that effect, including the initiative for creating a joint working group for activating the implementation of the Mongolia – Russia – China Economic Corridor establishment programme. Furthermore, the Mongolian leader expressed an idea for cooperation in organising an electrical super network in Northeast Asia and handed the study of the economic feasibility of this initiative over to Vladimir Putin.

Vladimir Putin expressed his satisfaction with the positive development of the Russian – Mongolian relations in all the areas and reiterated his commitment to the further activation of the bilateral cooperation in the spheres of agriculture, railways and defence. The Russian President Vladimir Putin reaffirmed his support of building a gas pipeline from Russia to China via Mongolia which Mongolia worked hard to achieve for many years at all the 4 trilateral summits between Russia, Mongolia and China, as well as at other forums.

One may consider that this marked the greatest achievement of the negotiations that took place here, especially, for Mongolia, since the coming gasification of Mongolia is to resolve the issues of air and water cleaning and heating for the ger districts in Ulaanbaatar.

A large loan of 100 m roubles that, according to Vladimir Putin, “is currently being negotiated” would be very beneficial to the country as well. As both Presidents stated during their speeches, “it will go to developing and modernising the Ulaanbaatar railways and thermal power plants.”

The parties agreed to celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Battles of Khalkhin Gol in 2019, organise a joint exhibition, produce a feature film and a documentary and publish a book. K. Battulga invited V. Putin to visit Mongolia for the celebration next year.

On September 12, the Mongolian President K. Battulga also met the Chinese President Xi Jinping who participated in the Eastern Economic Forum with a big delegation for the first time.

During the negotiations, the Mongolian President K. Battulga advocated building an electrical super network in Northeast Asia, developing the cooperation in building the trans-Mongolian gas pipeline, implementing the projects for establishing the Mongolia – Russia – China Economic Corridor and made a number of concrete initiatives, in particular, on increasing the export of agricultural products, mainly meat, to China.

Xi Jinping supported these suggestions and expressed his willingness to cooperate proactively in the trade and economic sphere in order to make the balance of trade between the 2 countries increase from the current $6.7 bn to $10 bn by 2020. The issues of cooperation in the areas of railways, processing industry, ensuring the security in the region, etc. were discussed.

Battulga was invited to pay an official visit to China on the occasion of the 2nd summit of the Belt and Road Initiative in the first quarter of 2019.

The leaders of the 2 countries exchanged opinions concerning the event organisation issues in the framework of the coming 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations and the development of frontier cooperation in October 2018.

Apart from the meetings of the state leaders, K. Battulga had one with the Russian Minister of Sport Pavel Kolobkov. The Russian and Mongolian parties exchanged their experience in promoting mass sports and national sports development. They also discussed the issues of the preparation work Mongolia needs to do for holding the 7th Children of Asia International Sports Games in 2020 that have been held under the patronage of the International Olympic Committee and the UNESCO every 4 years since 1996. These competitions were held in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) as it was the originator of the idea.

The Children of Asia International Sports Games are a large scale project that requires a very responsible approach. For instance, in 2016, about 3,000 young athletes from 36 countries took part in the competitions. “We are willing to provide consulting for Mongolia in organising the competitions,” said P. Kolobkov.

As we can see, the Eastern Economic Forum has become a platform for new encounters and rapprochement between the Presidents of Russia, Mongolia and China, and the negotiations between them gave a new impulse to the development of not only bilateral, but also trilateral cooperation.

Mark Golman, Ph.D, history, head research partner at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook.“